The Role of Civil Society in Preventing Ethnic Conflict: Ashutosh Varshney

By Amani El Sehrawey

In his ethnography, Ethnic Conflict and Civil Society: India and Beyond, Ashutosh Varshney explores the ethnic conflict between Muslim and Hindus in India. His work is detailed, spans over many years, and explores the relationship between the two ethnicities in a variety of Indian regions, looking into their political and social dynamic, which has predominantly been one of waxing and waning conflict. Particularly in the Gujarat region of India, violence between Hindus and Muslims is incredibly pervasive.

Varshney's research is unique in that it looks at civil society as a means of conflict prevention. His research indicated that in Indian regions where there were vast networks of civic engagement, where secular business, charity, and political groups crossed sectarian communal lines, the likelihood of ethnic confrontation was significantly reduced. He concludes that inter-ethnic bridges create peace. He further notes that inter-ethnic association of the formal variety (formal organizations) form stronger networking links over informal association (everyday interactions) and must be emphasized. Civil society, the place between state and family, if developed along inter-communal rather than intra –communal lines are key tool in promoting peace between potentially conflicting communities. The idea is to integrate the two so extensively that they become one community. The concept is similar to the economic integration strategy employed by post-WWII Europe which has resulted in the formation of the European Union and the longest peace time the European continent has ever experienced since the formation of the modern nation-state.

Varshney's theory is one that is useful to take in the context of religious conflict between Copts and Muslims in Egypt. Similar to in India, the sectarian tension is a long standing one, varying in intensity over the years. Particularly we have seen an increase in ethnic conflict, particularly highlighted by the violence in Imbaba and other places in Egypt several weeks ago. With the dissolution of the Mubarak regime went the state as a tool of controlling ethnic conflict. As it seems Egypt is a long way off from stable long-term governance, it is crucial now more than ever that we not forget the importance of civil society in preventing such conflict. While Egyptians work together to rebuild the state apparatus, they absolutely must renew efforts to develop a strong formal associations that stretch across religious lines. The incredible solidarity between Muslims and Copts found in the revolution demonstrates that the two religious groups are indeed capable of not only peaceful, but productive coexistence. Rather than allow this potential to go to waste, the Egyptian people must work to create a better future for all Egyptians- one that emphasizes similarities and shared interests rather than differences.

-Amani El Sehrawey is an undergraduate studying International Relations at Boston University. She is currently interning at the American Islamic Congress in Cairo, Egypt.

Weekly Update 1/6/2011

By Amani El Sehrawey

The Muslim Brotherhood has announced they are surprised by the success of last Friday's protests. Although the protests failed to meet the expectations of "a second 25^th of January", they did draw tens of thousands of people to Tahrir Square to voice their dissatisfaction with the way the military has been running the country thus far. The Muslim Brotherhood decided not to participate as a group because they did not agree with many of the platforms of the protest. Indeed, marked in this particular protest was the diversity of the protestors' demands. However, many Muslim Brotherhood members attended as individuals and as apart of the Youth Coalition. The success of the protest was perceived by many as evidence that although the Muslim Brotherhood is by far the most popular political group in Cairo, alternative voices will certainly be instrumental in determining the country's future.

An Egyptian military court on Sunday sentenced two Copts to five years in prison for violence. and trying to turn a factory into an unlicensed church. The two men, who also were convicted of possession of dangerous weapons, were arrested May 18^th during the clashes between Muslims and Christians in Cairo's Ain Shams district. Many Copts claim discrimination by the state due to the fact that they are required to obtain presidential permission before building churches

مؤتمر سبل التسامح الديني وقيم المواطنة

نظراً لحالات التوتر الطائفي المتتالية في مصر إنطلاقت أولي فعاليات مؤتمر "سبل التسامح الديني وقيم المواطنة" بمركز النيل للإعلام بالإسكندرية ، بمشاركة الدكتورة عزة مصطفى مدير مركز النيل للإعلام بالإسكندرية ، والشيخ محمد أبو حطب وكيل وزارة الأوقاف بالأسكندرية ، والقس "سمير راضي " مدير التدريب وإعداد القادة بالكنيسة الأنجيلية ،و الدكتور سمير صديق رئيس جمعية فلسفة الحياة

। حيث قام هذا المؤتمر بدراسة سبل التسامح الديني وقيم المواطنة وارجعوا أسباب تدهور الاحوال داخل مصر إلي عدم فهم البعض للمفاهيم الصحيحة للدين فتكون النتيجة هي ما يحدث كما أن أن ثقافة المجتمع منقوصة، فالدين الإسلامي لم يعظم احد مثل ما عظم السيد المسيح والسيدة مريم العذراء ،ولابد من تطوير الخطاب الديني بمعني التطوير وليس ما نراه الآن .. و ان العيب ليس في الدين ولكن في الأشخاص الذين ينتمون لهذا الدين سواء كانوا شيوخ أو أفراد وظهر هذا في أحداث السرقه والنهب التي أعقبت أحداث الثورة لأنه لايوجد أي وازع ديني يردعهم ، مشيرا الى ضرورة تقويم الأبناء وتربيتهم علي قبول الأخر تربية صحيحة من الصغر . من ثم فنحن في حالة احتياج إلي ثورة مفاهيم وقيم وأفكار تقوم علي التسامح الديني وقبول الأخر .

وعلي الجانب الأخر أكد المؤتمر بأن هناك أيدي خفيه تستغل الثورة لأشعال الفتنه الطائفيه وزياده الأحتقان في مصر من أجل أجندات خاصه بهم. من ثم يجب أن يقاوم الجميع هذه الفتنه التي تؤدي ألي تدمير وخراب مصر في وقت نحتاج فيه ألي التكاتف والتلاحم وليس التناحر والتقاتل.

المصدر : http://www.dostor.org/culture/news/11/may/15/42299

Religious Tolerance: My First Two Weeks in Cairo

By Amani El Sehrawey

My first two weeks in post-revolutionary Egypt have been eye opening. After months of watching the news and reading articles about the revolution from my flat in London, I was finally off to Cairo to see what was going on in the country for myself. April 24^th, despite my parents' worries and the dubious "you're going where?!" questions I received when asked what my plans were after leaving London, I got on the plane and landed in Cairo Airport. The empty airport and quickest, most hassle-free journey through customs I have ever experienced was the first indicator that things were not the same as when I had left the country two years ago.

Although business seems to be carrying on as usual in Cairo and things are not entirely different on a day to day basis from what I remember, there is nonetheless a definite sense that things have changed. The traffic is more unruly, I have witnessed several strikes outside schools and ministry buildings, but I think the most shocking and obvious change is the violence between Christians and Muslims and the rising prominence of Salafists in Egyptian political and civil society.

The fighting in the two weeks since my arrival were nothing like I would have expected in Egypt. I don't pretend to have my finger on the pulse of Egyptian society, as an American visiting Egypt every other year it is impossible. However, I do try to keep informed of the current events in the country as best as I can. I know that there are occasional squabbles between Muslims and Copts, the rare flare up of sectarian violence. However, the scale of violence post-revolution is unprecedented. Until I arrived, I had no idea that the Salafist movement even existed in Egypt in a significant way. And now the international press is filled with articles regarding the worrisome rise of Salafists in Egypt and their responsibility for much of the violence that has occurred since the revolution. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon has made a statement regarding the events in Imbaba, and nations are condemning the violence.

My family friend went to protect the Coptic Pope from a potential assassination attempt during his Friday sermon last week. Christian neighbours are considering moving to Canada as the violence continues and the Salafist movement appears to gain more and more momentum. This is not the Egypt that I thought I knew.

In the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the people wanted a revolution, they successfully overthrew the oppressive regime, but the revolutionaries had no plan of action once they achieved their revolution. The ayatollahs, the most organized group at the time, saw opportunity in the power vacuum following the Shah's departure. The result is the Islamic Republic of Iran, now considered to be a rogue state, and certainly not a beacon on freedom and liberal values for the region. In Egypt, although we are still in the early days, it seems the Ikhwan, now aided by the Salafists it would appear, are seeking to capitalize on a similar power vacuum.

The revolution was only the beginning of transforming Egypt into a modern liberal democratic state. The hard work is still yet to come, and it seems that religious tolerance (or lack thereof) is a central issue that needs to be addressed. The Ikhwan and Salafists are proposing an Islamic state. Is this possible with a country so divided politically? With such a significant Christian population? With an economy so dependent on tourism? I would argue that it is not. Perhaps possible, but certainly not politically, economically, or socially advantageous.

It is the typical American inclination to promote democracy and then become disillusioned when the American vision of liberal democracy is not carried out. However, it is for the Egyptian people, those who overthrew one of the most repressive, brutal dictators in the world, to decide the future of their country. I can only hope that when the dust has settled and the new regime is established, they will not find they have exchanged one tyrant for another.

-Amani El Sehrawey is an undergraduate at Boston University studying International Relations. She is currently interning at the American Islamic Congress in Cairo, Egypt.

An American Perspective: Trusting the Arab Youth

By Lawrence Brown

In 1984, Orwell had one of his characters explain that usually
revolutionaries enlist the energy of the masses to get the top elites and
those immediately below them to switch places. Then the rhetoric fades…
order is reestablished, and once again, the light fades from people’s eyes.

It’s certainly too early to know what will come from Egypt and
Tunisia, but early reports from Cairo suggest that women, who played such a
courageous role in the uprising (as women did in Iran) are being pushed out
of the discussion as new government is being formed. The range of what
seems possible is already being narrowed.

Elsewhere, the Iranian model is being imitated. A wave of
repression is sweeping the Muslim world. If the army will refuse to fire
upon the people, revolutions have a chance of success. Otherwise, brutality
works. Protesters are driven into their homes, then hunted down to be
arrested… tortured… disappeared. Kaddafi is doing it in Libya; Assad in
Syria follows his father in doing it. The Saudis do it.

It’s not clear how Yemen will go, or whether if the government
falls, what will replace it. Yemen could join Afghanistan and the Sudan
into lawlessness – or Islamic theocracy.

It’s worthwhile to remember who the revolutionaries are. There
are American analysts who concentrate on radical Islamists, wanting to block
their every turn. Certainly, the radicals have clear agendas and tight
organizational discipline. But the majority of protesters are young. In
our preoccupation with Islamists, we risk ignoring the wave of the future.
If we are too cynical to believe that their freedom is attainable, we have
nothing to say to 50-70% of the Arab world – who are under thirty.

May I suggest that what most people in the world want from their
government is to be left alone. It is inconceivable that government could
actually be a partner in their pursuit of happiness. All they’re asking is
that they be relieved of the daily corruption and repression that besets and
bleeds them at every turn.

So urgent is our thirst for oil that we’ve gotten into bed with
the very elites Arab youth is seeking to escape from. These elites have
promised to deliver us from the Islamists we both fear, and in return we’ll
remain deaf and blind to the suffering of ordinary people.

Young Arab revolutionaries may find it hard to design a
government that will truly leave them alone; besides they want more than
that. But what will that be?

Maybe it could be something new. These kids are plugged in:
they have cell phones, internet… they organize on Facebook and with Tweets.
They are also Muslim. Perhaps they are looking for something that is
neither the market-driven industrialism of the West nor a suffocating
tyranny of religiosity. East and West… we each proceed as if we alone were
on the side of angels whereas in fact, both systems are deeply flawed and
incomplete. If there is to be a new synthesis of capital and conscience,
perhaps it will begin in Egypt.

I am convinced the future will not be brought to us by the old,
but by the young. It will not be brought to us by the comfortable, but by
the oppressed, for whom the need for change is apparent. If the future is
built on revenge, then the grudges of the old will enslave their children,
but if the future is to be based on hope, then it must be based on
forgiveness and love.

We cannot expect our leaders to bring in the changes, for they
already benefit from things as they are. Even revolutionary organizations
have their elites with their ambitions. I would not have given my life to
teaching if I did not trust the young. Against all odds, they must be
given the space to dream deeply and then shape the world anew according to
their heart’s desire. I am not naïve; I know what goes on – and so do you.
But without hope, change for the better will not come in Egypt, nor
anywhere. Any policy that does not support this hope will fail.


Lawrence Brown has been a teacher for 34 years teaching geography and
ancient history. As a newspaper columnist, he has published over 850 columns. One of the founders of an interfaith movement on Cape Cod, Massachusetts in the United States, he has been a speaker at two Parliaments of the World’s Religions, Cape Town South Africa in 1999 and Barcelona, Spain in 2004.